Thursday 26 Jun 2025

High command’s hand

Recent political and cultural shifts witnessed in Goa point towards a quiet recalibration of the State’s regional identity

Adv Moses Pinto | JUNE 25, 2025, 12:35 AM IST

Introduction: An Uneasy Convergence  

The recent political and cultural shifts witnessed in Goa point towards a quiet recalibration of the State’s regional identity. With the dismissal of Minister Govind Gaude and Union Home Minister Amit Shah’s contentious remarks dismissing the continued relevance of English in Indian society, a broader pattern emerges one that indicates an increasing alignment of Goa’s governance with the ideological centralism of the national ruling party. This development raises serious questions about the endurance of Goa’s distinct linguistic, religious, and legal traditions within a federal constitutional framework.

Goa’s Historical Quest for Special Status  

Goa’s long-standing demand for special status anchored in cultural preservation, demographic balance, and legal distinctiveness has historically found resonance across ideological divides. The aspiration draws on the State’s unique colonial legacy under Portuguese rule, its adoption of the Uniform Civil Code, and its pluralistic population that blends Catholic and Hindu traditions. The movement for special status has always been rooted in a federalist imagination, seeking space for differentiated governance rather than disengagement from national unity (Rodrigues, 2016). Any nationalising ideological push that seeks to flatten this plurality risks destabilising that carefully constructed compact.

Cultural Politics of Language  

The statement made by Amit Shah in June 2025 that English speakers in India “will soon feel ashamed” forms part of a recurring political motif. Language here is not merely a medium of communication, but a symbol of allegiance. While English is viewed in Goa as a bridge language with economic utility and historical continuity, Hindi is increasingly promoted at the central level as the true marker of national identity. Such linguistic prioritisation undermines Konkani, a language that itself underwent considerable struggle to be recognised as official in 1987. From the perspective of Goans, this cultural imposition risks reviving anxieties reminiscent of earlier anti-Marathi agitations, whereby the fear of cultural erasure fuelled public mobilisation. Unlike many other states, Goa’s language politics are not merely about pedagogy or administration they are deeply intertwined with identity, faith, and the memory of resistance.  

Removal of a Minister: A Warning to Dissent  

The unceremonious removal of Govind Gaude, the former Minister for Arts and Culture, after he publicly criticised alleged irregularities in the tribal welfare portfolio held by the Chief Minister himself has caused unease among observers. Gaude’s dismissal, coinciding with Shah’s speech, suggests a pattern of ideological discipline enforced through political control. Seen through the lens of political theory, this reflects what Antonio Gramsci described as “passive revolution”, where transformation is achieved not through overt coercion but by neutralising dissent and reshaping cultural norms (Gramsci, 1971/1992). Gaude, a tribal representative and an independent voice within the ruling party, became inconvenient not because of inefficiency, but because of deviation from the expected ideological silence.  

Pressure to Align with Staunch Nationalism  

Goa’s Chief Minister, Dr. Pramod Sawant, has increasingly come to be viewed not as an autonomous regional leader, but as an effective channel for implementing central directives. Unlike former Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar who often skilfully negotiated Goa’s uniqueness within the national framework Sawant’s leadership appears more compliant, favouring a top-down national integration strategy. This transformation reflects a broader trend across BJP-ruled states, where centralised ideological conformity now takes precedence over regional variance. In Goa, this results in a subtle yet pervasive erosion of federal commitments, as local languages, religious syncretism, and institutional peculiarities make way for ‘Bharatiyata’, a centralised idea of Indian-ness.  

Cascade Effect: From Cultural Flattening to Federal Erosion  

The convergence of events linguistic sidelining, ministerial removal, and ideological consolidation has triggered a cascading effect that impacts multiple spheres: Educational institutions now face pressure to adopt Hindi or Sanskritic content over English-medium instruction, despite Goa’s strong record in English-language higher education.  

Religious minorities perceive increased marginalisation, especially when public funds are increasingly channelled into Hindu temple restoration with little parallel support for other faith-based heritage (Fernandes, 2020).  

Civil society spaces, especially those involved in art and literature, feel a growing sense of constraint, with government patronage increasingly linked to ideological conformity. These outcomes align with what political sociologist Christophe Jaffrelot terms “ethnic democracy” a structure in which democratic form persists, but substantive pluralism is replaced by majoritarian normativity (Jaffrelot, 2007).  

Federalism & Constitutional Integrity in Question  

The Indian Constitution’s federal structure is not just a functional arrangement of power; it is a guarantor of diversity. Goa’s status as a unique jurisdiction with its distinct legal code, linguistic heritage, and composite population is part of that federal promise.   However, when uniformity is exalted over unity, and when dissent within party structures is silenced in favour of obedience, the federal balance is compromised. In such a system, demands for special status no longer find fertile ground not because they are invalid, but because they are made ideologically obsolete.  

Conclusion: Quiet Retreat of Goan Autonomy  

Goa’s identity has always been defined by its capacity to be both Indian and distinct. Its laws, language, and religious fabric are neither anomalies nor relics; they are examples of how constitutional pluralism can thrive in practice. But when the Chief Minister must operate within the strict limits of centralised ideological mandates, and when regional assertion becomes politically risky, the foundational logic of Goa’s special status begins to erode.  

In the end, the real danger lies not in the visible replacement of ministers or the controversial rhetoric of Union leaders, but in the silent normalisation of sameness, where the idea of being different ceases to be valued and where Goan-ness is no longer protected, but absorbed.

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