Typically the mention of Assam leads to an image of serene greenlandscape with people of multiple ethnicities accommodating each other under abroad understanding of mutual co-existence. But of late Assam has been in thenews. At least 77 people have been killed and over 400,000 people havereportedly been displaced for all wrong reasons “ the moral degradation ofurban youth and community indifference as reflected at the infamous Guwahatimolestation; and now ethnic violence between indigenous Bodos community andpredominantly Muslim migrant settlers of erstwhile East Bengal, now Bangladesh.
The migrants say, and this is true to a significant extent, thatthey are descendent of the families who migrated from East Bengal in late 19th/ early 20th century to chase a future away from abject poverty “and was tacitly encouraged by British rulers to boost agricultural productivityin riverine areas of western and central Assam. As descendent of settlers whomigrated from one location (East Bengal) to another part (Assam) of undividedIndia, these communities vehemently argue that they are as much Indians, as theethnic Assamese or the tribal communities of the state.
As an inevitable outcome, the migrant settlers had also startedinfluencing demographic profile of the State “ apparently owing to highfertility rates and widespread polygamy (which is sanctioned under Muslim law)resulting in large family sizes of the migrant settlers. But interest groups representing originalresidents of Assam argue that the demographic shift (i.e. increased Muslimpopulation) is primarily due to refugee inflow from erstwhile East Pakistan,and subsequent extra-legal migration of extreme poor from Bangladesh in searchof livelihoods. There is some truth in this argument; and migration across theborder does get recognized mutedly in Bangladesh. But ground realties therepoint to migration across their western boarder to West Bengal and mainlandIndia “ especially since economic return of such migration to Delhi or Mumbaiis much higher than in Assam or rest of North East.
Changing demographic profile in Assam had started impactingpolitical dynamics from late seventies onwards “ when Muslim voters couldinfluence contour and to an extent the policy of Assam government, while bureaucracywas largely controlled by upper caste Assamese elite. The historic ‘AssamMovement’ of eighties was in fact the political response of this segment ofAssamese society to retain their political and administrative authority “ andits economic / rent-seeking benefits. This historicmovement however became controversial owing to inapt and corrupt leadership “and had resulted in frequent incidents of violence, including notorious Nelliemassacre of 1983 which claimed lives of around 2000 people (official figures; unofficial estimatesare much higher). The inherent upper caste chauvinism of Assam movement wasalso the genesis of other indigenous communities demand for devolution ofpolitical authority along ethnic lines.
Bodos, the dominant indigenous tribalcommunity were at the fore front of this demand for devolution and creation ofa separate state Bodoland. They now have an autonomous administrative unit, the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) constitutedunder the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. The mission is to accomplish economic and human development ofcommunities in the area; encourage socio-culture, ethnic identity andlinguistic aspiration of Bodos; and ensure preservation of land rights ofindigenous communities. But even after a decade, accomplishments on theseobjectives are uneven.
Most contentious ofall these are issue of land-ownership “ and this is at the heart of currentethnic tension in Assam. The growth of Muslim population in some districts underBTC area has increased competition for land-rights “ something very sensitiveeven for the descendent of migrant settlers who primarily came in search ofland ownership. And the indigenous communities such as Bodos are resentful attheir traditional ownership of land, which they controlled over generations.Also raising population put pressure on forest land, which were denuded withpatronage of Muslim politicians and complicity of corrupt officials. Thisin-turn strained livelihood space for the people from Bodo community whotraditionally lived in harmony with the forest. (The issue of forestdegradation is obviously important beyond this parochial cycle violence; andneeds to be addressed in its entirety from ecological sustainabilityperspectives).
Politicians from all hues areobviously fishing for their vested interest “ right from spreading canard ofMuslim majority in one-third of Assam’s district to retaliation by Muslimsagainst the supposed perpetrators of current round of violence; and sanity hasbeen lost in the midst of these cacophony. The urgent need of the hour isensure peace and security; relief and rehabilitation of the displaced; but alsostrict and exemplary State action against violence.
The next step would be to look beyondhigh-decible political noise; and address key development and governanceissues, especially on the issue equitable land-management for citizens of thecountry “ irrespective of their tribe or religion.
