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Gauri Gharpure studied journalism at Columbia University, New York, on a Fulbright grant. She makes paper jewellery. Follow her on twitter @gaurigharpure
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Recent Dalit protests in Gujarat against cow vigilantism that reportedly targeted a group of Dalits skinning a cow that had allegedly died of natural causes has put an uncanny spanner in the ruling party's Hindutva agenda. By Thursday, a stream of politicians, including Gujarat chief minister Anandiben Patel and Rahul Gandhi made their way to Una to meet Dalit families that were beaten up for skinning cows. At the other end of the country, the deplorable "prostitute" comment made against Bahujan Samajwadi Party chief Mayawati has spiralled into a massive political controversy. This comment, along with cases of cow vigilantism against Dalits in Gujarat, is likely to put BJP in a tight spot as it prepares to woo the Dalit vote bank in Uttar Pradesh for the upcoming Assembly elections.
Unfortunately, the recent past has highlighted the cow, and the party, in bad light with the killing on Mohammed Akhlaq in Dadri, near New Delhi, on the assumption that his family was storing beef in their refrigerator. The Dalit uprising in Gujarat raises a less-discussed angle on the Hindutva links to cow pride. That the cow is revered in Hindu tradition is undeniable. However, even in this reverence, there is a tacit dominance of so-called "higher caste" views. While Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishnavs keep away from cow slaughter of any kind, the task to clean up carcasses of all kinds of animals, including cows, has traditionally been forced on the Shudras.
These so-called "low caste" Hindus have skinned dead cows, and have even eaten beef, for time immemorial because it is a cheap and nutritious food option. The agenda to impose a blanket ban cow slaughter, then, directly targets a huge section of socially and economically deprived Hindu population and stops access to their traditional occupations and eating habits.
Legal restraints on cow slaughter are not new. Mughal rulers Babar, Humayun, Akbar, Jehangir and Shah Jehan gave their word to dominant classes and banned cow slaughter. The first war of independence, in 1857, triggered after soldiers were forced to use cartridges sealed with pig and cow fat. In December 1950, the Central government suggested the states not to introduce a complete ban on cow slaughter reasoning that it was detrimental to exports, especially of the tanning industry. Cow slaughter laws and its directives figure in Article 48 of the Indian Constitution. Each state has the right to decide its own set of rules and legislations vary state-wise.
There is no restriction on cow slaughter of any kind in Kerala, West Bengal, Arunachal, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, Meghalaya and Tripura. In most other states, cow slaughter is banned with riders depending on the age, gender and health of the cattle. To understand the rules in a nutshell, many states allow slaughter of old animals, bulls, and killing for export in the presence of necessary certificates and permits. Haryana, Jammu & Kashmir, Jharkhand and Rajasthan have laws that punish cow slaughter with a jail term of 10 years. Buffaloes do not come under the preview of these laws and consuming buffalo meat is legal at most places. In Goa, bulls, bullocks, male calves of all ages and Buffaloes can be slaughtered in presence of a fit-for-slaughter certificate. The sale of beef imported from other states is also legal in Goa.
Bengali author Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay's excellent short story, Drought, exemplifies the cultural and religious dilemma surrounding the love and care of an animal most poignantly. The story shows the struggle of a Muslim man Gafoor, who tries to feed his bullock, Mahesh during severe drought. Gafoor treasures Mahesh with all his heart, and resorts to pulling out hay covering his roof in desperate attempts to feed it. The local Hindu Zamindar and his family priest have a lot of advice on how to treat a holy animal, but do not extend a dime to Gafoor to feed it, forget feeding Gafoor and his little daughter.
Such hypocrisy is evident across board. Growing up in Ahmedabad, abandoned cows crowded main roads and busy streets. These animals were routinely released early morning to fend for themselves, eating garbage and refuse all day long, till their owners returned in the shadows of the evening to round them up and milk them. A lot of cow-shelter homes called "Panjrapoles" have been accused of corruption and neglect as well. True, in recent times, awareness to care for indigenous bovine breeds has increased in Gujarat. But, on the whole, the animal is not dealt as much respect as it is thought to deserve. The streets still have abandoned cows, in albeit in fewer numbers.
The question of eating beef, even for a Hindu, is highly personal. There are many Hindu friends who relish beef. In fact, remove beef out of the equation and you will observe that the vegetarian vs non-vegetarian vs. vegan debate is mind boggling; loaded with moral and ethical choices that are often not linked to religious discretion but linked with love for animals or health concerns. However, in whatever we choose to believe, human lives should not be made scapegoats for the sake of our ideals. Given the laws in place, it is imperative to abide by the rules. As far as cow slaughter is concerned, till the time that perceptions are changed to accommodate the opinions and lifestyle of each stakeholder of the Indian diaspora, and not just based on a dominant "high caste" Hindu mentality, there are likely to be more Dalit uprisings.
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Blurb
The deplorable "prostitute" comment made against Bahujan Samajwadi Party chief Mayawati along with cases of cow vigilantism against Dalits in Gujarat, is likely to put BJP in a tight spot as it prepares to woo the Dalit vote bank in Uttar Pradesh for the upcoming Assembly elections
