The opening moves have been made on the chessboard of Goa’s electoral politics for the 2027 Goa Assembly elections, and the emerging picture points to a familiar problem Goa witnessed in the past — a fragmented opposition. On one side stands the newly formed “Goa First” alliance between the Aam Aadmi Party and the Goa Forward Party, presenting itself as an alternative to both the BJP and the Congress. On the other hand, the Congress and the Revolutionary Goans Party have an in-principle understanding aimed at consolidating anti-incumbency sentiment.
What is being projected as strategic realignment, however, appears more like a division within the Opposition space itself. Rather than building a broad, united front against a politically dominant ruling party, these parallel arrangements risk serving narrow political interests and, in the process, handing the BJP a significant advantage.
The political reality in Goa today is that no single party or perhaps even a fragmented alliance has the electoral reach to challenge the BJP on its own. And what makes it easier for the BJP is a divided opposition fighting within. By breaking into two separate camps — AAP-GFP on one side and Congress-RGP on the other — the Opposition may end up doing precisely what some Congress leaders describe as “split-vote politics”.
The AAP-GFP alliance’s claim of offering a strong statewide alternative also faces the test of political arithmetic. AAP’s influence remains limited to specific pockets, particularly in South Goa, where it found success in constituencies such as Benaulim and Velim in 2022. GFP, despite the personal popularity and visibility of Vijai Sardesai in Fatorda, does not possess an extensive network across the State.
This challenge becomes even more pronounced in minority-dominated constituencies, especially in Salcete, which have traditionally formed the backbone of the Congress vote base. AAP and GFP cannot simply wish away the Congress in these regions. Any attempt to erode Congress support may not translate into outright victories for the new alliance; instead, it could merely divide anti-BJP voters and weaken both camps.
The political messaging adopted by AAP and GFP also raises questions. Their repeated criticism of Congress over defections and what they describe as “two-time betrayal” loses some force when viewed alongside their own political histories. Arvind Kejriwal’s attacks on the Congress over defections invite scrutiny, particularly when AAP itself has faced turbulence, including the recent departure of Rajya Sabha members to the BJP. To voters already weary of shifting loyalties, distinctions between betrayal of a party and betrayal of public trust may seem academic.
Likewise, Vijai Sardesai’s defence of GFP’s post-poll alliance with the BJP in 2017 continues to invite debate. GFP had sought a mandate against the BJP, only to join the Manohar Parrikar-led government after the election results. Such episodes inevitably make it harder for political leaders to claim the moral high ground on questions of loyalty and principles. An increasingly sceptical electorate is unlikely to be easily persuaded by narratives of political purity when convenience has often shaped alliances.
We are not holding a particular party or individual responsible for the current situation, but it has been a collective failure. Alliances built primarily on tactical convenience rather than shared vision rarely inspire public confidence. They often become contests not for power, but for political relevance.
When the Opposition remains divided, the outcome of political contests may be shaped less by public desire for change and more by arithmetic. And in such a scenario, the greatest loser may well be the people of Goa.
